Picking up from Joseph's post.
Not being from Maine, I didn't spend a lot of time reading or writing about the Senate primary. Here are, I believe, the entirety of my social media posts on the subject. If you look closely, you might spot something of a common theme.
Anyone else getting a Fetterman vibe here?
— markpalko.bsky.social (@markpalko.bsky.social) October 25, 2025 at 9:40 PM
Sinema
was an unconventional candidate who was going to bring in young voters.
Fetterman was an unconventional candidate who was going to bring in
young voters. Starting to question that particular argument.
— markpalko.bsky.social (@markpalko.bsky.social) October 24, 2025 at 8:56 PM
Like
I said:
Sinema was an unconventional candidate who was going to bring in young
voters. Fetterman was an unconventional candidate who was going to bring
in young voters. Platner was an unconventional candidate who was going
to bring in young voters. Starting to question that particular argument
[image or embed]
— markpalko.bsky.social (@markpalko.bsky.social) January 8, 2026 at 12:54 AM
You
would think the normal reaction to how Fetterman turned out would be
"how can we avoid this happening again?" not "let's give it one more
try."
[image or embed]
— markpalko.bsky.social (@markpalko.bsky.social) March 4, 2026 at 8:09 PM
I
still think the relevant comparison here is Sinema/Fetterman. We see
the same anti-establishment framing, the same arguments about the need
to select an outsider, in many cases the same people pushing the
candidacy.
What I want to know is how people still think this is a good idea.
— markpalko.bsky.social (@markpalko.bsky.social) April 12, 2026 at 3:49 PM
He's
an enormously problematic candidate brought to us by literally the same
people (such as Morris Katz) who brought us Fetterman, using many of
the same arguments. If you can convince me that Fetterman was a good
choice, I'll send Platner a check.
— markpalko.bsky.social (@markpalko.bsky.social) March 4, 2026 at 8:58 PM
All sorts of big issues are raised by this story—too many to list—but for now, here is a quick list, starting with the recurrent theme of my social media thread.
One of the silliest and most dangerous political ideas to emerge in the past few years is the notion that the best qualification for high public office is a lack of qualifications.
Not being a professional politician has a certain gut-level populist appeal, but it is almost never a positive, particularly when it is combined with a lack of any relevant experience. And no, "my parents bought me an oyster farm" is not sufficient.
This raises another point that I find particularly annoying. I grew up, if not poor, then certainly frugal, in the rural South. Perhaps for that reason, I have always had exceptionally little patience with the fake man-of-the-people schtick. It shows a cynicism and a disdain for voters that I find deeply offensive.
Poor-boy cosplay also provides an area of vulnerability in the general election, which leads to yet another issue. Non-politicians are almost always non-vetted. While it's true we can't always assume the flip side—that elected officials have been well vetted (Swalwell slipped past voters for years)—as a general rule, the bigger and tougher the races someone has won, the more difficult it is to dig up dirt.
It's important to note that Platner never even made it to the general election, where the really nasty rat-fuckers were sharpening their knives. Instead, the damaging stories started coming out almost immediately, possibly even organically, and simply picked up steam. It was less like a drip, drip, drip and more like a growing stream, with progressively worse details constantly emerging. I'm reminded of the scene in the Buster Keaton film where, starting with a few pebbles, progressively larger rocks come tumbling down the hill toward the hapless protagonist.
Much of this dirt was disturbingly close to the surface. A halfway diligent background check, along with a few hours of Internet searching, would have revealed much of it. A competent campaign would have been able to get ahead of many of these stories rather than just trying to dodge each rock individually.
Good journalism, another key component of a well-functioning primary system, would have brought lots of these things out in a more timely manner. If you read papers like the New York Times today, you will find all sorts of sharp reporting focused on the failed candidate, but at the time the vast majority of news organizations were more than content to simply play along with the simple "oyster man takes on the political establishment and wins" narrative.
It wasn't until after he became the presumptive nominee that we started seeing the right questions being asked, and not until the days after the vote that we saw aggressive digging.
Last July, in a small town in coastal Maine, a couple of
progressive, self-styled recruiters of economic populists showed up at
the blue-shingled house of Graham Platner, a little-known oyster farmer
and Marine veteran who lived largely off government benefits.
They knew his name from local labor organizers and activists, and they had watched a video
on the internet of him talking about oysters. Struck by his
left-leaning ideology, his working-class affect and his gravelly voice,
they became convinced that he could win a Senate seat in Maine — and
quickly persuaded Mr. Platner of the same.
The initial
headhunters, Dan Moraff and Leanne Fan, and then a third out-of-state
operative they called up to Maine — Morris Katz — told Mr. Platner he
was “the one,” a “hero of the movement,” “a historical figure” who could
be “leading a revolution,” according to half a dozen people with
knowledge of their conversations.
But a clutch of people who cared
about Mr. Platner were telling him something else. They worried about
his mental health, amid his ongoing efforts to heal from post-traumatic
stress disorder after tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. They feared this
trio of out-of-state operatives was a dangerous combination of
inexperienced and overconfident. The worst-case scenario, they thought,
wasn’t running for Senate and losing — it was destroying the life he
worked hard to build.
The NYT started this piece with their usual self-congratulatory spiel talking about how thoroughly they investigated the story, but while I appreciate professional reporting, I'd appreciate professional reporting done in a timely fashion (say eight months ago) a hell of a lot more. At the risk of being both preachy and obvious, one of the most important roles of journalism is informing voters. Waiting until the die has already been cast is often easier and safer, but it defeats the purpose.
The Maine primary was a textbook case of how not to select a nominee. What needs to be a process of scrutiny and skepticism, especially with an untested candidate, instead became a bizarre rush to declare the matter settled months in advance, even while increasingly damaging revelations were steadily coming forward. There seemed to be a widespread fear that if we let the primary do what it was supposed to, we would somehow damage our chances of unseating Collins.
For me, that might be the final and most important lesson. When you tell yourself that a vigorous democratic process is too risky, you are wrong on principle and stupid in practice.