With that in mind, here's the analogy that I've been using.
Imagine
you are playing five card draw and you are dealt a hand with two aces
and three other suited cards. For a moment, you go back and forth
trying to decide whether or not to keep the aces or go for the flush,
then make the decision to hang onto the pair. The three new cards you
get include the other two aces.
This was, of course, a highly
unlikely and incredibly lucky outcome, but it was also the smarter
strategy. This smart then lucky scenario is where the analogy comes in.
After
it was decided that Biden would withdraw from the race, the Democratic
(and nominally Democratic) response fell into two camps. One was for
going all in with Harris as quickly and decisively as possible. The
other camp wanted to do just the opposite, draw the process out with the
so-called ThunderDome convention, bring in lots of candidates, and
(though this was often implied rather than said) generally make it as
difficult as possible for Harris to get the nomination.
In case you've forgotten:
Ross Douthat: It’s a mistake to go all in on Harris, obviously, because she’s still the exceptionally weak candidate whose weaknesses made President Biden so loath to quit the field for her. [Anyone who thinks Ross Douthat has special insights into these decision making processes please raise your hand and slap yourself with it. -- MP] Potential rivals like Gov. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan are throwing away an unusual opportunity because they imagine some future opening for themselves — in 2028 and beyond — that may never materialize. And the party clearly has an interest in having a better-situated nominee: A swing-state governor who isn’t tied directly to an unpopular administration would be a much, much better choice for a high-stakes but still winnable race than a liberal Californian machine politician with zero track record of winning over moderate to conservative voters.
And there was lots more where that came from.
At the
risk of putting too fine a point on it, in this analogy the all in for
Harris crowd wanted to hold onto the pair of aces while the ThunderDome
crowd were dreaming of a flush. Going with Harris turned out to be an
incredibly lucky move. There was no way of knowing in advance that she
would connect with voters to this degree or would prove so effective on
the trail and with her choice of running mate. When evaluating strategy,
we can't take any of those things into account, but it was still
clearly the smart move.
By comparison, the ThunderDome strategy
always had a sliver of a chance of producing a winning candidate and a high probability of
failing in such a way that it would produce a bitterly divided party and
a campaign that couldn't even start organizing until the end of July.
Remember, this second group represented the consensus view of
establishment media. Voices like Josh Marshall were definitely in the
minority compared to those of Nate Silver or most of the New York Times
editorial board. Those people are now trying to get the impression that
they were with the winning side all along, but if we want to have an
accurate picture of this chaotic campaign, we need to hold people to
their record.
Mark:
ReplyDeleteYou write, "the Democratic (and nominally Democratic) response," but then you refer to Douthat, who is a Republican, no?
Andrew
True and I should have been clearer. Douthat was used as an example of the nominally liberal NYT. The quote comes from a piece where a number of NYT columnists ask if the Dems were making a mistake going all in on Harris. Furthermore, I believe Douthat has said in this race he endorses the Democrat. See also Ezra Klein.
DeleteMP
This rests on the assumption that Harris is actually connecting with voters to an extraordinary degree. Against Trump - who is widely despised, who has much of the media on a full-court press against him - she's running barely ahead of even. She may well win - but she'll lack a mandate, and hasn't demonstrated the skills necessary to navigate a divided Legislature - in DC or on CA.
ReplyDeleteMarc D