[written before the election, but it still seems valid]
This pair of posts from almost nine years ago superficially would seem to have nothing to do with our ongoing discussion of the New York Times' catastrophic failures covering politics over the past few years. Other than a passing mention of Hillary Clinton's emails, the topic of elections doesn't come up at all and, to the extent that the NYT story showed an ideological bent, it was decidedly liberal.
But if you look deeper, the problems discussed here, particularly in the second post below, are highly relevant to the problems that have made the paper of record's coverage of the last few elections so bad. The common factor in all of these issues is the paper's culture which is arguably stronger than that of any other major news organization in the country. That, along with its sense of identity, exerts an obvious and well documented influence on everything we see coming out of the NYT.
The staff and especially the leadership of the New York Times operates under the axiomatic belief that theirs is the best paper in the country, arguably the world. It is not difficult to find statements that explicitly make this point while ones that implicitly make it pop up on literally a daily basis. The inevitable result has been a hostility to external criticism and a nearly complete inability for real self-examination. (There are people at the paper who can and do ask the right questions. They just don't tend to stay with the paper all that long.)
One more note. While the current problem with the New
York Times go back at least to the nineties and there is much to admire
about Dean Baquet (he is by practically every measure better than Joseph
Kahn), he still has a great deal to answer for.
Andrew Gelman set off an
excellent discussion of the lingering questions about Alice Goffman's
On the Run triggered by these
two posts
by Paul Campos. It's an interesting debate but not really in my area of
focus. I do, however, want to weigh in on the way the New York Times
Magazine chose to cover the controversy in this
profile by Gideon Lewis-Kraus.
The first thing that struck me on reading this piece was how numbing
will he formulaic this type of journalism has become. The
stick-to-the-template structure, the pretentious tone, the
straight-out-of-central-casting character sketch, the standard narrative
arc of the bright young person with vision rising rapidly to great
heights then brought down by attacks only to climb back up.
But with time, my reaction has shifted somewhat with more focus on the ethics of the piece than the aesthetics.
These full-access profiles are always problematic. Everything about the
arrangement tends to bias the journalist in favor of his or her subject.
Of course, many journalists are able to maintain their objectivity and
make the arrangement pay off in increased information and improved
insight, but even with a masterpiece of the genre like Electric Kool-Aid
Acid Test, these concerns cannot be entirely dismissed.
Based on an interview I heard Tom Wolfe give, both he and Ken Kesey have
said that there were parts where Wolfe softened his account so as not
to make the Merry Pranksters look bad and that the work suffered as a
consequence (“Wolfe got most of it right, except he tried to be nice.”).
Lewis-Kraus is no Wolfe and he arguably crosses the line to apologist a
number of times. Here's the passage that bothers me in particular.
[emphasis added]:
Goffman has declined to make public the long, point-by-point rebuttal of
her anonymous attacker, but after we got to know each other well, she
shared it with me. It is blunt and forceful and, in comparison with the
placidity of her public deportment, almost impatient and aggrieved in
tone, and it is difficult to put the document down without wondering why
she has remained unwilling to publicize some of its explanations. She
acknowledges a variety of errors and inconsistencies, mostly the results
of a belabored anonymization process, but otherwise persuasively
explains many of the lingering issues. There is, for example, a
convincing defense of her presence in the supposedly closed juvenile
court and a quite reasonable clarification of the mild confusion over
what she witnessed firsthand and what she reconstructed from interviews —
along with explanations for even the most peculiar and deranged claims
of her anonymous attacker, including why Mike does his laundry at home
in one scene and at a laundromat in another.
Many claims against her are also easy to rebut independently. Some
critics called far-fetched, for example, her claim that an F.B.I. agent
in Philadelphia drew up a new computer surveillance system after
watching a TV broadcast about the East German Stasi. If you search the
Internet for ‘‘Philadelphia cop Stasi documentary,’’ a substantiating
item
[http://articles.philly.com/2007-08-06/news/24995208_1_mapping-informants-dots]
from The Philadelphia Inquirer from 2007 is the second hit. When it
comes to Goffman’s assertion that officers run IDs in maternity wards to
arrest wanted fathers, another short Internet search produces
corroborating examples in Dallas, New Orleans and Brockton, Mass., and a
Philadelphia public defender and a deputy mayor told me that the
practice does not at all seem beyond plausibility. The most interesting
question might not be whether Goffman was telling the truth but why she
has continued to let people believe that she might not be.
This is questionable in any number of ways. Goffman is allowed to
present her rebuttal in a manner that completely shields her from any
kind of scrutiny or fact-checking. All of the information we'd need to
evaluate her claims is withheld. Instead, a highly sympathetic
journalist who is in her debt (let's be blunt. Goffman did Lewis-Kraus a
huge professional favor by allowing him this level of access) assures
us repeatedly that we should take her at her word.
The lack, or perhaps more accurately the level of detail here is
bizarre. In Goffman's apparently long and detailed document, there is no
argument or piece of evidence that can be shared with the general
readers. We aren't even given metadata. We have no idea whether these
claims are supported by data, documents, arguments, or something else.
We aren't even told the extent to which these were or weren't checked by
the reporter.
The document is not, however, so sensitive that it cannot be shared with
a journalist or that the journalist can't list specific charges that
are rebutted.
I don't want to weigh in on the veracity of Goffman's book or on any of
the related discussions. More than enough smart people are seriously
engaging in this debate. If anything, I'm concerned that the controversy
over relatively details is distracting from genuinely important points
about racism, class bigotry and mass incarceration. But journalistic
standards and culture are also important. You can make the case that
bad, grossly unethical reporting decided
the 2000 election and it is difficult to discuss the run-up to the Iraq
War without mentioning the name Judith Miller. More recent (and
relevant for the topic of this post) are the NYT fiascoes with the
Clinton emails and the San Bernadino shooters. In both those cases, the
paper allowed sources to feed inaccurate information to the public while
agreeing to withhold information that might have helped readers
evaluate the claims.
Obviously, there are valid reasons for a journalist to agree to withhold
parts of information provided by a source. but Lewis-Kraus explicitly
tells us that he knows of no reason not to share Goffman's rebuttal or
give us any information that might help us evaluate it.
The decision to give Goffman's side of the argument without actually
stating her arguments puts Lewis on shaky ground to begin with, but he
then proceeds to present her case in the most favorable possible light
while only briefly mentioning her more reputable critics from
publications such as the Chronicle of Higher Education and the New Republic (neither Paul Campos nor Steven Lubet is mentioned by name).
I can understand the temptation to let valuable sources have too much
say in the editorial process, but I'm surprised that a paper as proud of
its standards as the New York Times would be so consistently quick to
give in.
________________________________________
You probably all remember the issues the
New York Times had with
bad information from anonymous sources on the Hillary Clinton email
story and the social media accounts of the San Bernardino shooters. More
recently, our blog had a long
post questioning the ethics of a
New York Times Magazine
piece that allowed a controversial scholar to present her side of an
academic dispute in the most favorable conditions imaginable.
These and other incidents certainly suggest that the
NYT
needs to re-examine its standards and practices regarding sources, but
to get a full sense of the problem you should take a look at the
following from
TPM's account of the reaction to the Sean Penn/Rolling Stone interview with "El Chapo":
New York Times editor Dean Baquet told Margaret Sullivan, the
paper's public editor, on Monday that he "would have walked away from
the interview." The newspaper's standards editor, Philip B. Corbett,
said the paper does not grant "prepublication approval to anyone."
Pretty much anytime you point out an issue with the New York Times'
ethics or quality control, this will be the other half of the problem:
The paper really does see itself as a gold standard, not perfect
perhaps, but far better than any of its peers. This attitude effectively
prevents any serious self examination let alone real attempts at
reform.
Would have
New York Times have published the Sean
Penn piece? I have no idea. Have they recently published articles that
gave sources an inappropriate level of influence and thus misinformed
their readers? Unquestionably. What's worse, the
Rolling Stone piece came with a disclaimer.
The
New York Times simply leaves it to us to it figure out on our own.